Patrick Allitt,
The Conservatives: Ideas and Personalities throughout American History (2009)
"Allitt understands the Civil War as a “clash of rival conservatisms,” the conservatism of Clay, Webster, and Lincoln, who wished to conserve the Union, and the conservatism of the Confederacy, which wished to conserve the South’s traditional way of life. Both conservatisms abounded in paradox." -- Peter BerkowitzDavid D. Kirkpatrick,
"The Conservative-Christian Big Thinker," NYT (Dec20, 2009)
Robert P. George, a Princeton University professor of jurisprudence and a Roman Catholic, is this country’s most influential conservative Christian thinker. "For free access to this article and more, you must be a registered member of NYTimes.com". Well, I am registered but coudn't manage the rigormorol of regaining access today.See also, David Kennedy on historian Margaret Macmillan's somewhat recent book, Dangerous Games: The Uses and Abuses of History (2006). There, among other targets, Kennedy says, the historian Macmillan especially f+ts against nation-loving historiography which, assumedly, glorifies / absolutizes any particular nation (or, I woud guess, nationality within a country that are constituted by more than one nationality). Nationalism is her Great Satan of historiography.
That hypothesis would include, it seems to me, all history-writings which argue historiographically for "American exceptionalism." Christian non-historian and self-designated theologian with a doctorate in political science from Duke University (Chapel Hill, North Carolina), James Skillen (recently retired as President of the Center for Public Justice, Annapolis, Maryland) is another absolutist against the said exceptionalism.
American ExceptionalismIn part, Webb's remark is self-contradictory: his phrase "universality of the values of the country" then is conceived in a Kantian way, as no values in America are truly universal, except as in the folkloric truism "death and taxes." Because of freedom of religon/s (including our American atheisms), the most important "American values" are the least universal. There remains a modicum of more-or-less widely-held "values" like "love of country," but in Webb's presumptuous definition that's much like "love of waffles."
by Justin Webb, BBC (Apri6,2k9)
One of the talking points on the bus as we arrived in Ankara was the Decline of America (there were other talking points as well, but I won't bore you with them) with the Brits, including me and Tom Baldwin, the mild-mannered but influential London Times correspondent, asked to give an assessment of how we see the post-Obama US.
Our replies I won't trouble you with, but the discussion was prompted in part by one of Obama's most interesting replies at a news conference - in Strasbourg half way through the trip - to a question asked by Mr Luce of the FT only moments after that vomiting incident but looking remarkably perky.
Does the president believe in American Exceptionalism, he asked.
The answer - yes, but in the same way as other nationalities (he mentioned Greece and Britain) believe in themselves - raised the spectre of Greek Exceptionalism but was nonetheless praised by some egghead journos as being rather wonderful.
Wrong I think. Greece is a country, America is an idea. True, there is Greek influence in the America idea but to compare patriotism with exceptionalism is to miss the point.
It was a great answer in that it was thoughtful and generous and patriotic all in one; but it was the wrong answer. American Exceptionalism stems not from love of country but from the universality of the values of the country.
Obama's dogmatism and Webb's fatuousness aside, the Macmillan-Skillen hypothesis, by expansion logically, m+t include as well a presupposed generalized negative evaluation of all American historiography that focuses its work in an approach decidedly favorable to the secessionist stance revived by some scholars today regarding the Confederacy, or that seeks to celebrate and expand today the pre-CivilWar "Southern Way of Life" in a manner which takes little account of the institution of slavery, before it was effectively abolished. See Kennedy on Margaret Macmillan (rW2 blog-entry Dec22,2k9). She is utterly opposed to all nationalism in the historiography of all nations, apparently. That's too generalized to suit me. There does seem to be, in any case, a residual nationalism (a full blown regionalism at least, with a Neo-Confederate nationalist tendency of its own); here woud be a conservative romanticism, a traditionalism with a considerable nostalgia and with an apparent agenda for at-least partial restoration of that way of life. Much of the readership of the historians involved are affiliated with the political program of the Neo-Confederate restorationists who still find attraction to secessionism, at least as a concept worth arguing at length. But there is no state in the Union where that is practicable.
Also see "Scholars nostalgic for the Old South study the virtues of Secession, quietly" (Chronicle of Higher Education's Dec6,2k9). This article by Ben Terris is subtitled: "To avoid being tagged as racist, professors retreat to the Abbeville Institute to study the virtues of secession" of the Southern states from the Union. Caption of the article's excellent accompanying pix: "Donald W. Livingston, a philosophy professor at Emory University [Atlanta, Georgia], sits in a historic plantation house. He founded the Abbeville Institute -- named for the birthplace of John C. Calhoun, an advocate of state's rights and slavery," and a staunch Presbyterian, I must add. Amazingly, the article cited does not discuss religion in the South -- either before, during, or after the Civil War.
Yet there exists even today a whole legacy of theological justification by still-revered southern Presbyterian thinkers supportive of back-in-the-day slavery (Robert Lewis Dabney, James Henry Thornwell both have their fans). "In the 1830s, Southern Presbyterian theologians studied the question intensively and arrived at a proslavery consensus" (JSTOR review of Proslavery Millenialism: Social Eschatology in Antebellum Southern Calvinism by Jack P. Maddox Jr.
The refrain of the regional war of words had other dramatic and long-lasting historical effects. The Presbyterian (1837, 1857, 1861), Methodist (1844), and Baptist (1845) denominations split into northern and southern wings over the issue of southern demands that slaveholders receive moral vindication and that abolitionists be purged as [anti-]biblical heretics and dangerous social subversives. Southern ministers then controlled new independent regional denominations, newspapers, and periodicals that they used to promote their proslavery biblical argument.Today, the conservative evangelical and partly-Calvinist exodus from the previous Southern Presbyterian denomination, the Presbyterian Church in America (PCA), has renounced all racism. However, also today, some point to/at Rev. Douglas Wilson (Moscow, Idaho):
A reader wrote in to inform me of who Wilson is, and I was appalled. He has a ministry in Idaho which has ties to the white supremacy movement! … He runs a private school [Logos School and on the tertiary level New St Andrews College] in Idaho that celebrates Robert E. Lee’s birthday; he wants a “cultural reformation” in America, and his model, his ideal, is the antebellum Confederacy … Here’s a collection of links that point to the vileness of this sleazebag … I don’t understand at all why [leftwing atheist Christopher] Hitchens would want to be associated with such a creature [by debating him], unless he was specifically seeking out the very worst that American Christianity brings to the table. Unfortunately, he’s contributing to the reputation of a monstrous blight on the Palouse [region, Idaho], a racist, theocratic ideologue whom [some] people of that region deplore.I can't certify this assessment, nor can I check the ostensible sources to which the author refers. I've seen some of that stuff a while back, but remember not being quite sure it all was documented, not well documented.
More politically speaking, Southern slavery was a slavery which some argue had already been written into the original compromise on how to count the entire population in the USA Constitution (the slave states gained a 3/5 ratio for slaves regarding the representation of slave states in Congress, altho those very states blocked these "incomplete" persons from voting at all, Article 1, Section 2). I don't damn altogether everything Livingston may be trying to say; but nothing I've read so far recommends to me this form of Southern USA conservatism. Indeed, the juxtaposition of "Christianity and Conservatism/s," suggested by my blog-entry title above, makes it necessary to cite Calhoun's Presbyterian slavery-ideology. The issue of pre-Union slavery in some British colonies that became part of the USA later and then after Union the Constitutional and other legal arrangements to maintain in those states and to extend the number of such states (as their number enlarged) when new territories entered statehood, is a palpable instance, when included with the Civil War, Reconstruction, Jim Crow laws and racial segregation in former slave-states r+t up to the Civil R+ts Act of 1964 perhaps -- arguably are a major instance of American exceptionalism, depending on the definition of the term in question.
The term “American exceptionalism” is attributed to Alexis de Tocqueville, who noted that the United States held a special place among nations, because it was as a country of immigrants and the first modern democracy (Tocqueville 1954). 4 [4 Lipset – referring to de Tocqueville – names five basic features of American ideology: liberty, egalitarianism, individualism, populism, and laissezfaire. Symptomatic for authors dealing with American exceptionalism in aThimm goes to great effort to distinguish exceptionalism and its often unilateralist foreign policy. "Acknowledging that American political identity is somewhat exceptionalist -- meaning that the self-perception one of uniqueness and moral superiority -- does not necessitate a preference for unilateral policies. In attempts to explain American unilateralism, one shoud not fall into the trap of making a direct causal link between an exceptionalist identity and a unilateralist foreign policy" (page 8).
broader context, he derives from these characteristics explanations for characteristics as diverse as the lack of a welfare state, American’s continued religiosity or the persistence of capital punishment (Lipset 1996, p.26).] As Deborah Madsen (1998, p.1) concludes, the phenomenon has been with us ever since: “American exceptionalism permeates every period of American history and is the single most powerful agent in a series of arguments that have been fought down the centuries concerning the identity of America and Americans.”
Winthrop’s quote also shows that the Puritan settlers who founded the Massachusetts
Bay colony regarded their social experiment not only as “different”, but also as exemplary. Malone and Khong (2003) describe exceptionalism as “the widely held belief in the United States that its values and institutions are the best yet devised, the conviction that the world needs to adapt itself to American ways rather than vice versa.” The belief in the superiority of the American model is reflected in the perception among Americans of America’s role in the world.5 [ 5 This relation also works in the opposite direction. As Rudolf (1999, p. 73)notes, the definition of an international role for the US at the same time serves as a definition and affirmation of its national identity.] That American foreign policy is based on moral principles is a consistent theme in the American discourse – a phenomenon recognized even by those who are skeptic of such an assessment.6 [ 6 As Stanley Hoffman (2005, p.225) notes, “[t]he lofty feeling of democratic superiority and universal relevancen was perfectly compatible, in practice, with a pursuit of national interest and advantage that was just as fierce as elsewhere.” Note that the term exceptionalism is almost exclusively used by those who are at least somewhat critical of the claim of a strictly moral foreign policy. Proponents of the notion that US intentions are generally noble, do not usually refer to the term. For an exception, see Koh (2005).] Johannes Thimm, page 3, American Exceptionalism -- Conceptual Thoughts and Empirical Evidence, Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (Berlin) PDF (2k6?)
After surveying a stack of public opinion surveys: "If however the concept is applied to American identity, there is an important distinction to be made between exceptionalism and unilateralism. As the public opinion data has shown, it is well possible for the public to hold exceptionalist beliefs about the US without displaying unilateral attitudes with regard to American foreign policy (Thimm, page 16). Here, I'll take the author's word on this main point, but his entire discussion of the surveys is tendentious and ahistorical in several regards which have changed with time and macro-events like 9/11, the massive propaganda effort of the teaching profession and the mainstream media, and a long list of other factors which must be included and weited in a multifactoral historical evaluation. So, Thimm's hypothesis is not one I woud recommend, except as a foil to the leftwing hatred of any (possibly valid and valuable) American exceptionality found in the writings of theologian James Skillen. Thimm is a corrective from the same side, but has a much h+er level of credibility.







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